I've been thinking about the scope of problems related to sanitation in Kibera and, to be honest, I'm overwhelmed. Every week I discover new issues, complexities, and solutions concerning water and sanitation, thereby gradually developing a slightly more enlightened perspective. On one hand I am learning and forming my own ideas about potential agents for change and action, which is fantastic and was one of my initially stated goals. On the other hand, I feel like as I become aware of each potential improvement described in research I encounter, I also become aware of ten more problems I hadn't even considered before.
I started this blog optimistic that I would form an opinion on how to solve the water problem in Kibera. Clearly it would have been naive to imagine I'd come up with something completely novel and groundbreaking, so I'm not claiming I was supposed to shake the earth with the solution to a multifaceted and multidisciplinary problem that experts have been dedicating their lives to solving for decades. But I was fairly confident that I would feel comfortable taking a firm stance on recommending a pragmatic and articulate course of action to ensure all residents of Kibera have access to clean water. And I don't know if I've achieved that. This isn't a bad thing.
At this point, I feel like I have a superior set of knowledge and critical awareness of sanitation in Kibera than I did eight weeks ago. But perhaps the most valuable thing I realized was how complex sanitation really is.
Before beginning the blog my perception of sanitation was mostly a public sector problem. I figured the government is responsible for providing or regulating the sale of clean water. It seemed if they are holding up their end of the deal residents should be fine. I thought I would be looking into the processes by which political power is negotiated, stakeholders are involved, and corruption somehow interferes. But I was completely wrong. Sanitation transcends the sale and distribution of clean drinking water and is instead deeply ingrained in the health, education, gender politics, and enterprise of a city or settlement.
If I were asked now how to solve the sanitation issue in Kibera, I would suggest that we need to galvanize a culture change around water and sanitation that starts with the residents who are directly affected. We would need to consult expert opinions in fields that range from geography, health ecologies, politics, economics, gender relations, to environmental sustainability. Ultimately, this isn't a change that can happen overnight, as culture changes take a lot of time. Instead we can provide resources that act as bandaids to many problems connected to sanitation, meanwhile working towards the greater culture change through education and community involvement in order to fix the underlying issue the bandaids cover.
At first I felt a little bit defeated by the daunting scale of change that is necessary to ensure access to safe water sustainably, but now I feel hopeful. As an urban studies and fine arts student in my home university, I never would have taken a class about water in Africa. I certainly would not have started a blog about sanitation in Kibera.
After just one semester of applied research and critical exploration I feel excited by opportunities to create change. My professional interests also developed as a result of this blog. I had somewhat written off the possibility of really being able to make a change in issues like sanitation in Kibera outside of a life in academia or politics. It's clear to me now there are ways to contribute to positive change through almost any sector or industry, and there are definitely opportunities to do good while doing well. I hope to find small scale mediations between industry and social change to establish a career that is fulfilling to me as a person who is both interested in business and in social justice.
Thursday, 15 December 2016
Response to Ana-Lin's "Africa Water Sanitation: Cholera Disease of the Poor"
I want to reopen the dialogue about diarrhea I began in my most post about child mortality caused by diarrhea. I just read the blog entry Cholera Disease of the Poor, by my classmate, Ana-Lin, and I want to explore a point she raised.
Her point that challenged the expectation of individual responsibility for sanitation really caught my attention. She says neighboring countries have a great responsibility towards each other in caring for sanitation. This is substantiated by using Ghana as an example, where cholera rates are highest on the coast, where most trade that affects other African countries occurs, and in the north, near the border with Burkina Faso.
I had originally framed the problem of sanitation within a local context: it is the responsibility of residents of Kibera, residents of Nairobi, and residents of Kenya at large to care for their sanitation and put a premium on education and prevention. But as she points out, the water borne diseases that cause diarrhea, like cholera, travel through trans-boundary water sources and points of contact for trade. She is right to claim sanitation needs to be an international effort. Together these ideas encourage a model of engaging internationally and acting locally.
Map of Ghana and neighboring countries: GoogleMaps
Her point that challenged the expectation of individual responsibility for sanitation really caught my attention. She says neighboring countries have a great responsibility towards each other in caring for sanitation. This is substantiated by using Ghana as an example, where cholera rates are highest on the coast, where most trade that affects other African countries occurs, and in the north, near the border with Burkina Faso.
I had originally framed the problem of sanitation within a local context: it is the responsibility of residents of Kibera, residents of Nairobi, and residents of Kenya at large to care for their sanitation and put a premium on education and prevention. But as she points out, the water borne diseases that cause diarrhea, like cholera, travel through trans-boundary water sources and points of contact for trade. She is right to claim sanitation needs to be an international effort. Together these ideas encourage a model of engaging internationally and acting locally.
Map of Ghana and neighboring countries: GoogleMaps
Water and Women
Early on I expressed an interest in exploring womens issues in urban sanitation in Kibera. While exploring urban sanitation, literature about social enterprise and childrens sanitation caught my attention. I'm really glad I discovered these topics because they sparked a new perspective on sanitation and an academic interest I hadn't considered previously. However, given my strong interest in gender issues, I want to quickly return to my original idea to explore how women negotiate the ins and outs of water sanitation in Kibera.
It's worth sharing my particular interest in Kibera, and more specifically women in Kibera, was sparked a few years ago by a video that went viral. Created by Shining Hope for Communities, the video showcases one of their many community projects, The Kibera School for Girls, which I discussed in an earlier blog entry.
First, I want to acknowledge the importance of treating women's issues as diverse, dynamic, and independent experiences. In her post, The Dangers of Ecofeminism , my classmate Phoebe Crossland provides a robust deconstruction of stereotypes applied to women's roles in water collection and sanitation in Sub-Saharan Africa and cautions readers against painting the role of women in sanitation with a broad stroke. Therefore, I want to narrowly focus my claims to represent experiences of women in Kibera.
Accessing Water
Most water in Kibera is supplied by the Nairobi City Water and Sewage Company– commonly referred to as the Nairobi Water Company (Nairobi Water Company). The field report about water kiosks in Kibera by RWSG-ESA describes how the piped lines connected to this water source are subject to water rationings up to three times a week, come from a source outside of Kibera (limiting residents' agency over their water supply), and are very expensive (UNDP-World Bank Regional Water and Sanitation Group for East and Southern Africa). These infrastructure and policy inadequacies put a lot of pressure on women, who are the main water gatherers.
The opportunity cost of getting water for the home is a serious problem for women. When water is unavailable from the tapped source, there is one borehole in the Mokina Mosque in Kibera that women rely on. When this is the only source of water women can spend their entire day waiting for and bringing home jerry cans of water. This prevents women from earning income and is also costly in and of itself (UN Water Action Hub).
A striking example of this struggle comes from Access to Water in a Nairobi Slum: Women's Work and Institutional Learning, by Ben Crow of UC Santa Cruise and Edmond Odaba of Africa Civil Society Platform for Social Protection. During water shortages it takes one woman about five hours a day to collect water. Confounding the opportunity cost of earning money, the water she purchases costs about USD $13/month, only slightly less than her $15/month rent (Crow & Edmond 2010).
Image: Women carry jerry cans of water. source: Water Wells for Africa
Water Sanitation and Physical Safety
Amnesty International published an extensive report on women's experiences with sanitation in Nairobi slums, "Kenya: Risking Rape to Reach a Toilet: Women's Experiences in the Slums of Nairobi, Kenya." As the powerful title suggests, women are not protected legislatively or socially in Kibera.
This report describes men's attitudes towards women. Domestic physical and sexual abuse among partners is the norm and gang violence against women in the streets is extremely prevalent. Almost all women interviewed in the study mentioned the exacerbation of this danger at night (Amnesty International 2010).
68 percent of Kibera residents rely on shared toilets (World Bank 2006). Women who venture out of their homes at night to public toilets are at high risk of being raped and attacked. Because of this threat, it is more common for women to engage in open defecation outside their home. Until gender equality education, greater police presence, and law enforcement against violence are implemented sanitation remains a huge risk for women in Kibera.
It's worth sharing my particular interest in Kibera, and more specifically women in Kibera, was sparked a few years ago by a video that went viral. Created by Shining Hope for Communities, the video showcases one of their many community projects, The Kibera School for Girls, which I discussed in an earlier blog entry.
First, I want to acknowledge the importance of treating women's issues as diverse, dynamic, and independent experiences. In her post, The Dangers of Ecofeminism , my classmate Phoebe Crossland provides a robust deconstruction of stereotypes applied to women's roles in water collection and sanitation in Sub-Saharan Africa and cautions readers against painting the role of women in sanitation with a broad stroke. Therefore, I want to narrowly focus my claims to represent experiences of women in Kibera.
Accessing Water
Most water in Kibera is supplied by the Nairobi City Water and Sewage Company– commonly referred to as the Nairobi Water Company (Nairobi Water Company). The field report about water kiosks in Kibera by RWSG-ESA describes how the piped lines connected to this water source are subject to water rationings up to three times a week, come from a source outside of Kibera (limiting residents' agency over their water supply), and are very expensive (UNDP-World Bank Regional Water and Sanitation Group for East and Southern Africa). These infrastructure and policy inadequacies put a lot of pressure on women, who are the main water gatherers.
The opportunity cost of getting water for the home is a serious problem for women. When water is unavailable from the tapped source, there is one borehole in the Mokina Mosque in Kibera that women rely on. When this is the only source of water women can spend their entire day waiting for and bringing home jerry cans of water. This prevents women from earning income and is also costly in and of itself (UN Water Action Hub).
A striking example of this struggle comes from Access to Water in a Nairobi Slum: Women's Work and Institutional Learning, by Ben Crow of UC Santa Cruise and Edmond Odaba of Africa Civil Society Platform for Social Protection. During water shortages it takes one woman about five hours a day to collect water. Confounding the opportunity cost of earning money, the water she purchases costs about USD $13/month, only slightly less than her $15/month rent (Crow & Edmond 2010).
Image: Women carry jerry cans of water. source: Water Wells for Africa
Water Sanitation and Physical Safety
Amnesty International published an extensive report on women's experiences with sanitation in Nairobi slums, "Kenya: Risking Rape to Reach a Toilet: Women's Experiences in the Slums of Nairobi, Kenya." As the powerful title suggests, women are not protected legislatively or socially in Kibera.
This report describes men's attitudes towards women. Domestic physical and sexual abuse among partners is the norm and gang violence against women in the streets is extremely prevalent. Almost all women interviewed in the study mentioned the exacerbation of this danger at night (Amnesty International 2010).
68 percent of Kibera residents rely on shared toilets (World Bank 2006). Women who venture out of their homes at night to public toilets are at high risk of being raped and attacked. Because of this threat, it is more common for women to engage in open defecation outside their home. Until gender equality education, greater police presence, and law enforcement against violence are implemented sanitation remains a huge risk for women in Kibera.
We need to get over our proper selves and start talking about diarrhea.
With the holidays around the corner it feels like every children's advocacy group is out in full force and children's issues are at the top of my mind. I've been wondering, where do children fall into the water and sanitation landscape in Kibera?
In Kibera, over 60 percent of all residents are under the age of 15 (Kenya Population and Housing Census 2009). While children's issues should always be valued and advocated for, the prevalence of "youth bulge" means youth issues should be at the forefront of the political agenda in Kibera.
Sanitation for children poses a huge threat to the wellbeing of the population. Despite the taboo against discussing defecation, diarrhea is the leading cause of death for children under 5 years old in developing countries (UN News 2014). Health efforts against HIV/AIDS, malaria, and other disease are strong, however, diarrhea is almost unmentioned. This is shocking given the reality that diarrhea is responsible for 1.5 million child deaths per year (UNICEF 2015).
I understand why diarrhea isn't a sexy cause to support, but given its potency it demands greater attention and action.
One such effort is a study that was done in the Laini-Saba Village of Kibera Slum, Nairobi. About 40,000 residents are estimated to live in the Laini-Saba Village, which is predominantly made of semi-permanent homes. 105 homes with children ages 0-5 were included in the study, accounting for 170 children within the stated age range. The study established that the rate of diarrhea was as high as 36 percent. The problem is exacerbated by poor hygienic standards for disposal of waste. The slum is affected by serious overcrowding and sanitation is characterized by overflowing latrines and open defecation. I think the most interesting finding is the strong relationship between family education and rates of diarrhea in their children (Kung’u, 2002).
It's possible that providing strong health education resources and sanitation education could greatly improve the rate of diarrhea in children ages 0-5 and thereby significantly decrease their mortality rate. But education alone is not enough. Sanitation issues also need to be destigmatized and the community members need to take responsibility as agents of change.
In her book, Tales of Shit: Community-led Total Sanitation in Africa, Petra Bongartz makes light of this stigma. She suggests actionable change around sanitation has to be community-led, which begins with minimization of the stigma around discussing defecation. Bongartz discusses the goal of establishing Open Defecation Free (ODF) villages discussed in the paper, "Scaling up CLTS in Kenya: opportunities, challenges and lessons (Bongartz 2010). In Kenya, in 2007 the first Open Defecation Free village was established, and by 2010 over 200 existed (Musyoki 2010).
In Kibera, over 60 percent of all residents are under the age of 15 (Kenya Population and Housing Census 2009). While children's issues should always be valued and advocated for, the prevalence of "youth bulge" means youth issues should be at the forefront of the political agenda in Kibera.
Sanitation for children poses a huge threat to the wellbeing of the population. Despite the taboo against discussing defecation, diarrhea is the leading cause of death for children under 5 years old in developing countries (UN News 2014). Health efforts against HIV/AIDS, malaria, and other disease are strong, however, diarrhea is almost unmentioned. This is shocking given the reality that diarrhea is responsible for 1.5 million child deaths per year (UNICEF 2015).
I understand why diarrhea isn't a sexy cause to support, but given its potency it demands greater attention and action.
One such effort is a study that was done in the Laini-Saba Village of Kibera Slum, Nairobi. About 40,000 residents are estimated to live in the Laini-Saba Village, which is predominantly made of semi-permanent homes. 105 homes with children ages 0-5 were included in the study, accounting for 170 children within the stated age range. The study established that the rate of diarrhea was as high as 36 percent. The problem is exacerbated by poor hygienic standards for disposal of waste. The slum is affected by serious overcrowding and sanitation is characterized by overflowing latrines and open defecation. I think the most interesting finding is the strong relationship between family education and rates of diarrhea in their children (Kung’u, 2002).
Figure Above: Diarrhea Prevalence and Level of Education. Source: Diarrhea prevalence and risk factors in slums
It's possible that providing strong health education resources and sanitation education could greatly improve the rate of diarrhea in children ages 0-5 and thereby significantly decrease their mortality rate. But education alone is not enough. Sanitation issues also need to be destigmatized and the community members need to take responsibility as agents of change.
In her book, Tales of Shit: Community-led Total Sanitation in Africa, Petra Bongartz makes light of this stigma. She suggests actionable change around sanitation has to be community-led, which begins with minimization of the stigma around discussing defecation. Bongartz discusses the goal of establishing Open Defecation Free (ODF) villages discussed in the paper, "Scaling up CLTS in Kenya: opportunities, challenges and lessons (Bongartz 2010). In Kenya, in 2007 the first Open Defecation Free village was established, and by 2010 over 200 existed (Musyoki 2010).
Sunday, 27 November 2016
Social Enterprise: the solution to urban sanitation in unrecognized slums?
During Tatiana's lecture a surprising fact caught my attention. Initially, I thought private apartment sanitation would be the obvious choice for safer sanitation due to piped water sources. However, despite access to piped water in apartments in Mathare, many people choose to walk to outdoor communal toilets because they are more sanitary (Gulyani 2008). I wondered how this could be, since the open system would be more prone to contaminated water sources and shared by many people with little supervision over cleaning. Somewhat predictably, it turns out to be in part because of the same political sources that prevent improvements in the area to begin with.
The "nicer" apartments are owned by politicians who use the profits off renting as a substitute for retirement pension that the government does not give them. Since it is a profit seeking venture, there is no regulation over safety conditions, and there is adequate demand for the present conditions so improvements are foregone. Because of this, the piped water sources are often unreliable or don't work at all. In addition to the lack of adequate piped systems to ensure water safety, physical safety in general is a greater concern than safe water in these developments. Just this past April, two six-story buildings of this nature collapsed within days of each other in Mathare, which confirms a concern over general safety (Kenya Today).
Consequently, this raises concerns over whether politicians have the best interest of all citizens in mind both when creating policies and also when making business decisions in the case of individual development ventures.
This presents a stark contrast to the positive improvements I explored last week. Ikotoilet and Shining Hope for Communities are making strides in sanitation and community engagement, and perhaps offer a longer term solution to problems of sanitation.
Traditionally, sanitation has been seen as a government issue. But what if the government has little to incentive to improve conditions in places like Kibera and Mathare? In this case, I would like to suggest that perhaps social enterprise is the answer to improving sanitary conditions, using Ikotoilet as one example.
The Mathare apartment developments exemplify how people are motivated by financial incentives. In the case of Ikotoilet, employees and executives alike are incentivized to improve conditions and work towards a sustainably successful business because their income depends on it. Areas that are most neglected by the government are potentially the most profitable because no other sanitation opportunities exist, eliminating competition (Santos 2012).
While non-profit groups are great, they depend on grants and donations so their bottom line isn't affected by slow or unproductive improvements. I do think they add a great benefit and should continue to contribute to the sanitation landscape, but might not be the solution to the problem, rather a temporary fix.
Surely there are enough socially and civilly minded entrepreneurs out there that this idea could catch on. While there is no way to say if it could be a permanent solution, I would be interested to see what kind of regeneration could take place if sanitation enterprises took root in previously ignored slums –admittedly widespread job creation, sanitation improvements, and a positive cycle that follows in the reverse of the status quo is idealistic, but I hold out hope that a solution exists, even if it is not on behalf of social enterprises in the end.
The "nicer" apartments are owned by politicians who use the profits off renting as a substitute for retirement pension that the government does not give them. Since it is a profit seeking venture, there is no regulation over safety conditions, and there is adequate demand for the present conditions so improvements are foregone. Because of this, the piped water sources are often unreliable or don't work at all. In addition to the lack of adequate piped systems to ensure water safety, physical safety in general is a greater concern than safe water in these developments. Just this past April, two six-story buildings of this nature collapsed within days of each other in Mathare, which confirms a concern over general safety (Kenya Today).
Consequently, this raises concerns over whether politicians have the best interest of all citizens in mind both when creating policies and also when making business decisions in the case of individual development ventures.
This presents a stark contrast to the positive improvements I explored last week. Ikotoilet and Shining Hope for Communities are making strides in sanitation and community engagement, and perhaps offer a longer term solution to problems of sanitation.
Traditionally, sanitation has been seen as a government issue. But what if the government has little to incentive to improve conditions in places like Kibera and Mathare? In this case, I would like to suggest that perhaps social enterprise is the answer to improving sanitary conditions, using Ikotoilet as one example.
The Mathare apartment developments exemplify how people are motivated by financial incentives. In the case of Ikotoilet, employees and executives alike are incentivized to improve conditions and work towards a sustainably successful business because their income depends on it. Areas that are most neglected by the government are potentially the most profitable because no other sanitation opportunities exist, eliminating competition (Santos 2012).
While non-profit groups are great, they depend on grants and donations so their bottom line isn't affected by slow or unproductive improvements. I do think they add a great benefit and should continue to contribute to the sanitation landscape, but might not be the solution to the problem, rather a temporary fix.
Surely there are enough socially and civilly minded entrepreneurs out there that this idea could catch on. While there is no way to say if it could be a permanent solution, I would be interested to see what kind of regeneration could take place if sanitation enterprises took root in previously ignored slums –admittedly widespread job creation, sanitation improvements, and a positive cycle that follows in the reverse of the status quo is idealistic, but I hold out hope that a solution exists, even if it is not on behalf of social enterprises in the end.
Friday, 4 November 2016
Sanitary Water Initiatives: Clean Water and Culture Change
In sub-Saharan Africa, 80% of disease is water-born (United Nations, 2003). Since Kibera is not recognized by its government, water is privatized. The privitized water is sold by vendors at a higher price and lower quality than what is available in the rest of Nairobi. Unsealed latrines, open sewers, and improper drains characterize sanitation in Kibera. Unsurprisingly, diseases like malaria and typhoid are therefore common and water-born disease continues to spread.
So what are people doing about the problem and how can sanitation in Kibera be improved? Following are two examples of projects that aim to create clean water systems in Kibera and my views on their progress.
David Kuria: Ikotoilet
(Photo Credit: Forbes: Why Sanitation Business Is Good Business)
In 2003 BBC report on sanitation in different countries featured David Kuria, who was planning to revolutionize the use of toilets in Kibera. He said his goal was to create an environmentally friendly toilet that also serves as a community center, library, and clean water distribution point, called the Ikotoilet. Kuria asked the Kiberan people what they wanted most and sanitation ranked the highest, however there exists a taboo around sanitation in sub-Saharan Africa, wherein it is not common to talk about toilets. Kuria set out to change this culture in order to improve health (BBC 2003).
In 2010, Kuria appeared on Circle of Blue's 5 for 15 interview radio channel and shared the success of his project so far. According to Kuria, 40 Ikotoilets are used throughout Kenya as both sanitary toilets and as meeting spaces. The Ikotoilet is now a place to use an ATM, buy a soft drink, meet a friend, or get your shoes polished (Maddocks, 2010).
I am very impressed with the work Kuria was able to do for sanitation in Kenya. In his first interview with BBC in 2003, he was particularly emphatic about the state of Kibera, however in the 2010 interview, he focused mainly on Kenya as a whole. I wonder if the reality of implementing this project was too difficult to achieve with a focus on Kibera or if he plans to put more energy to Kibera in the future. I am also impressed with the culture change he achieved around sanitation. Whereas it would have previously been taboo to speak of a toilet, it is now common say "let's meet at the Ikotoilet on whatever street" because it is the most apparent landmark. Before sanitation change can happen in a community, the community must be willing to talk about it, so this seems like a project that is changing a culture while delivering tangible change at the same time.
Shining Hope for Communities (SHOFCO): Holistic WASH Program
SHOFCO is improving the Kibera community through education, health, community empowerment, and water and sanitation initiatives by placing girls at the center of change. Their Kibera School for Girls serves as a community center where other activities, initiatives, and opportunities for the whole community take place. WASH stands for Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene and is the project that I will focus on.
Holistic water and sanitation means more than just implementing clean water stations. Similarly to the Ikotoilet, the Holistic WASH Program is interested creating a cultural shift. By making the girls school the center for their clean water distribution, they hope to change the community attitude more positively towards women and girls (SHOFCO, 2013).
Their reports from 2013 show their model for social change and sanitary change worked well. Along with the other three initiatives and various activities hosted at the girls school, the Holistic WASH Program helped to improve attitudes towards women and lower rates of sexual violence. Additionally, they contributed tangible improvements in clean water distribution and clean toilets (2013 SHOFCO Community Survey).
(Photo Credit: SHOFCO Impact Community Surveys)
I am impressed by both projects because they do more than simply give out clean water or drop in a toilet and leave. It is clear that impact needs to be sustainable, which as these two initiatives show are rooted in the community and its beliefs. I am becoming more critical of sustained impacts and addressed the roots of problems. While culture and beliefs don't change quickly, they are the root of change and I aim to become more critical of temporary solutions that don't account for the long-term, using programs like these as an example.
So what are people doing about the problem and how can sanitation in Kibera be improved? Following are two examples of projects that aim to create clean water systems in Kibera and my views on their progress.
David Kuria: Ikotoilet
(Photo Credit: Forbes: Why Sanitation Business Is Good Business)
In 2003 BBC report on sanitation in different countries featured David Kuria, who was planning to revolutionize the use of toilets in Kibera. He said his goal was to create an environmentally friendly toilet that also serves as a community center, library, and clean water distribution point, called the Ikotoilet. Kuria asked the Kiberan people what they wanted most and sanitation ranked the highest, however there exists a taboo around sanitation in sub-Saharan Africa, wherein it is not common to talk about toilets. Kuria set out to change this culture in order to improve health (BBC 2003).
In 2010, Kuria appeared on Circle of Blue's 5 for 15 interview radio channel and shared the success of his project so far. According to Kuria, 40 Ikotoilets are used throughout Kenya as both sanitary toilets and as meeting spaces. The Ikotoilet is now a place to use an ATM, buy a soft drink, meet a friend, or get your shoes polished (Maddocks, 2010).
I am very impressed with the work Kuria was able to do for sanitation in Kenya. In his first interview with BBC in 2003, he was particularly emphatic about the state of Kibera, however in the 2010 interview, he focused mainly on Kenya as a whole. I wonder if the reality of implementing this project was too difficult to achieve with a focus on Kibera or if he plans to put more energy to Kibera in the future. I am also impressed with the culture change he achieved around sanitation. Whereas it would have previously been taboo to speak of a toilet, it is now common say "let's meet at the Ikotoilet on whatever street" because it is the most apparent landmark. Before sanitation change can happen in a community, the community must be willing to talk about it, so this seems like a project that is changing a culture while delivering tangible change at the same time.
Shining Hope for Communities (SHOFCO): Holistic WASH Program
SHOFCO is improving the Kibera community through education, health, community empowerment, and water and sanitation initiatives by placing girls at the center of change. Their Kibera School for Girls serves as a community center where other activities, initiatives, and opportunities for the whole community take place. WASH stands for Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene and is the project that I will focus on.
Holistic water and sanitation means more than just implementing clean water stations. Similarly to the Ikotoilet, the Holistic WASH Program is interested creating a cultural shift. By making the girls school the center for their clean water distribution, they hope to change the community attitude more positively towards women and girls (SHOFCO, 2013).
Their reports from 2013 show their model for social change and sanitary change worked well. Along with the other three initiatives and various activities hosted at the girls school, the Holistic WASH Program helped to improve attitudes towards women and lower rates of sexual violence. Additionally, they contributed tangible improvements in clean water distribution and clean toilets (2013 SHOFCO Community Survey).
(Photo Credit: SHOFCO Impact Community Surveys)
I am impressed by both projects because they do more than simply give out clean water or drop in a toilet and leave. It is clear that impact needs to be sustainable, which as these two initiatives show are rooted in the community and its beliefs. I am becoming more critical of sustained impacts and addressed the roots of problems. While culture and beliefs don't change quickly, they are the root of change and I aim to become more critical of temporary solutions that don't account for the long-term, using programs like these as an example.
Introducing Water in Kibera
I am interested in exploring issues
related to water in Kibera in order to understand one part of the complex issue
of clean water in Africa. I hope to explore a range of research and opinions
that exist in the academic and non-academic spheres in order to shape my own
view of the essence of this issue and how it truly exists.
In the academic article, “Scarce, costly, and uncertain: water access in Kibera, Nairobi,” Ben Crow of the
University of California Santa Cruz and Edmond Odaba explore why access to
water is so burdensome and uncertain in Kibera. Kibera is one of the largest
urban slums in Africa, home to about 700,000 to one million people. Crow
suggests that access to clean water is highly politicized in the informal
settlement, or slum. He suggests three factors work together to limit access to
water. First is the post-colonial Kenyan government does not see Kibera as a
legitimate part of the country. I find that surprising considering a quarter of
Kenya’s population lives here and it is clear that it poses a real problem for
tackling issues for regulating who gets the water. That is connected to his second
factor, which is unregulated landlords building on ground that isn’t
necessarily theirs. Finally, he says this all connects to the third factor which
is the prominence of gangs and cartels working with the city government. The
argument Crow makes is complex, and I want to focus on one point he emphasizes
which is the cost of water.
In class we discussed how the
problem with access to clean water is not a result of lack of funds. When we
spoke about the topic we were speaking generally about the governments being
able to afford clean water for their countries. As Crow points out, it is
problematic that Kibera is not legitimized by its government because that
implies the Kenyan authorities do not regulate the water there. Prices for
water vary based on how much water is available and who is controlling the
water in Kibera. A 20-liter jerry can of water varies from K Sh 2-3 when there
is a lot of water available to K Sh 5-10 when only a few vendors
have water. Vendors can also take advantage of shortages to make huge profits.
Finally, there are several middle men, who lay pipes, take bribes for
connections, and charge tariffs who contribute to the high prices. Shortages
are common and the pipes are difficult to maintain. It seems to me that small
scale groundwater wells might be a more sustainable and affordable option in
this case. Instead of depending on the Nairobi Water Company to provide a few
lines for everyone, small groups could share a well to provide their water.
Since the water is rationed in Kibera the individual well model would also help
eliminate a tragedy of the commons effect, wherein one person can jeopardize
the supply by taking too much. Right now there is one alternative to the pipes
which is a single borehole in Kibera. While it provides an alternative for
getting water, the opportunity cost to reach the borehole and bring water back
to the home prevents women from engaging in many other activities. Next I want to
explore the effects of water scarcity and lack of access to water in Kibera on
women.
Crow, Ben; & Odaba, Edmond. (2009). Scarce, costly and uncertain: water access in Kibera, Nairobi. Center for Global, International and Regional Studies. UC Santa Cruz: Center for Global, International and Regional Studies. Retrieved from: http://escholarship.org/uc/item/8c10s316
Saturday, 22 October 2016
Critical Discussion of Water Scarcity and Access
Before jumping into the literature it's important to discuss water scarcity and water access. This topic is foundational to the posts I will write in the coming weeks and deserves clarification. What is scarcity? What is access? Who defines it? How do we measure it? Are those metrics right?
Water scarcity is measured by the Water Stress Index. According to the index, water scarcity occurs when there is less than 1,000 cubic meters of water per person per year (Falkenmark, 1989). It measures how much water a person has access to, but it does not account for the quality of the water or barriers to access.
Water access is measured by the Ministry of Health. In order to determine access they subcontract the work, by sending local people into the field to conduct surveys. They define access as living within 200 meters of an improved water source. Unlike the metric for water scarcity, water access accounts for the quality of water and the distance to obtain it. However, similarly to the water stress index, it is not a perfect metric. The water access metric does not account for barriers other than distance. Hydro-political barriers also prevent people from accessing water (Rijsberman 2006). For example, if the water source were inside a gated area you might not have access to it. Or if it were 5pm and a line of 300 people are already waiting for the water you might not have access to it.
Despite the efforts of both groups, the metrics are not perfect. It is important to recognize the Water Stress Index and Water Access are not related and are imperfect. Therefore I want to stress that access to water has little to do with if the country physically has safe water, and much more to do with economic water scarcity.
Water scarcity is measured by the Water Stress Index. According to the index, water scarcity occurs when there is less than 1,000 cubic meters of water per person per year (Falkenmark, 1989). It measures how much water a person has access to, but it does not account for the quality of the water or barriers to access.
Water access is measured by the Ministry of Health. In order to determine access they subcontract the work, by sending local people into the field to conduct surveys. They define access as living within 200 meters of an improved water source. Unlike the metric for water scarcity, water access accounts for the quality of water and the distance to obtain it. However, similarly to the water stress index, it is not a perfect metric. The water access metric does not account for barriers other than distance. Hydro-political barriers also prevent people from accessing water (Rijsberman 2006). For example, if the water source were inside a gated area you might not have access to it. Or if it were 5pm and a line of 300 people are already waiting for the water you might not have access to it.
Despite the efforts of both groups, the metrics are not perfect. It is important to recognize the Water Stress Index and Water Access are not related and are imperfect. Therefore I want to stress that access to water has little to do with if the country physically has safe water, and much more to do with economic water scarcity.
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